The deceased US vice-president Dick Cheney, who died at the age of 84, was seen as among the most significant holders of that office in the nation's history. Although countless vice-presidents were limited to minor or figurehead positions, Cheney wielded huge influence during the presidency of George W Bush, to the point that he was frequently described as the "actual president".
Bush objected to such a characterisation and said the connection was more complex. He noted that Cheney was courteous, invariably referring to him in public settings as the President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush disputed even portrayals of their association as a team because it implied that they were equals. Regardless of these objections, Cheney viewed the easygoing president pliable on a wide array of administrative determinations.
The Aftermath of 9/11
In charge of a group of conservative hawks that encompassed military head Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been attending a gathering at a elementary school in Florida. As Bush headed for a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, ordering the downing of any unresponsive aircraft nearing the Capitol building.
Cheney claimed the strikes transformed him, making him become focused on revenge. Together with other neo-conservatives, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a occupation of Afghanistan in an effort to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the invasion of Iraq, although there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Debated Decisions
He showed no remorse about the armed intervention, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis perished, and not about the harsh treatment of detainees captured after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was predicated on misleading information echoed by Cheney, was the correct course of action. "It was the proper decision to do at that time. I was convinced then and I believe it now."
However even at the time, there were opposing views at a high level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the White House's own representatives to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the role. "I observed, at the very least," he wrote later "obvious failure, negligence, and irresponsibility: at worst, falsehoods, unfitness, and dishonesty."
Additional Factors
Cheney was not completely responsible for the Iraq military action. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for comparable steps. He had drafted a memo detailing scenarios in which US concerns might be compromised (including "availability of vital raw materials, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the United States should be prepared to act independently when collective action cannot be orchestrated," explicitly referencing defense operations against Iraq.
Bush also had assumed the White House vaguely intent on executing what his father had notably declined to do in 1991; remove Saddam. Following he had been dismissed by the White House, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his objective of diminishing America's engagement in the Middle East dispute and suggested defense operations against Iraq.
Bush bore a private grievance against Saddam, thinking he had been behind a conspiracy to murder his parent, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore disliked that one of the largest hotels in Baghdad had a floor mural with a likeness of his parent's countenance that all visitors had to step on.
Questioning Techniques
Yet it was Cheney who was among the most outspoken supporting striking Iraq, consistently citing information documents that were either weak or totally misleading. He backed what the Bush government politely called as "intensive questioning", the application of interrogation method and physical pressure.
Addressing a Senate document in 2014 that concluded that no useful information had resulted from the harsh techniques, Cheney rejected the report as "riddled with crap". He informed Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to establish protocols and establish programmes to apprehend the bastards who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it was not repeated. That was specifically what they did and they deserve a lot of recognition."
Public Image
Cheney took pleasure in labels given to him by opponents such as the Star Wars villain and the dark figure, and by the concept that he was a sinister influence manipulating Bush. In the author's 2013 book about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Is it me who is the sinister strategist in the corner that operates invisibly leave his domain? It's a advantageous way to work, actually."
Commercial Ties
Debate over his corporate affiliations followed him throughout his time as second-in-command. While he had minimal expertise in corporate affairs but strong connections in military, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's biggest oil and gas conglomerates, in 1995 as chairman and CEO.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's VP candidate for the presidency. Controversially, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was granted US contracts valued at substantial sums.
It greatly increased his wealth. His yearly compensation during his period at the company increased from his previous salary when he was military head to $4.4m. When he resigned in 2000 he had a compensation package valued at in excess of $20m|twenty
